After Germany’s leading liberal daily, Southgerman Newspaper (SZ), feeling compelled, in the face of public outrage, to apologize for the anti-Semitic articles he has published against Igor Levit, the right-wing media outlet has published a new attack on the world famous pianist.
In a few days, World, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (DO) and The New Zurich Times (NZZ) has published all the articles defending classical music critic SZ Helmut Mauro and denouncing SZ for giving in to public opinion.
Last Wednesday, chief editor World, the flagship publication of publisher Springer, intervened in the controversy. Militarist and angry, Ulf Poschardt declared a “culture war”. He accuses Southgerman Newspaper editors bent over “the first violin of the Jacobin orchestra” and “the Twitter brigade of the new left-wing thinking police.”
Poschardt went on to call Levit a “Twitter trigger” who enjoyed “branding, attacking, and removing unwanted, alternative, challenging positions that transcend the mainstream ‘liberal’ left.” Because of SZ’s apology, according to Poschardt, Levit has been “declared an untouchable person.” Meanwhile, the “open season” was declared in the “right wing figures who dare to be the opposite.”
On Wednesday evening, the conservative FAZ is considering. Jan Brachmann accused Levit of “problematic rhetorical strategies” because he had stated that Alternative for Germany (AfD) members had lost their right to be human. He accused SZ editors of behaving “irresponsibly” because they withdrew their “protection” from the authors of the attack on Levit. “They are subject not to the pressure of argument, but to the masses,” Brachmann wrote.
NZZ emitted the same tone, complaining that SZ had been thrown at Levit’s leg.
This campaign aims to make anti-Semitism socially acceptable once again and suppress all opposition to the dangerous rise of the right in Germany.
It started on Friday, October 16, when Mauro, a writer for cultural supplements at SZ, attacked Levit fiercely. In a disgusting mix, mixed with anti-Semitic tropes, Mauro claims that Levit has achieved fame not through his musical talents, but by using Twitter to promote his career with political attacks on the right. Mauro referred to Levit’s “Nazi condemnation” and accused him of “harsh isolation against those who alleged and actually held different views.”
Referring to Levit, who comes from a Jewish family, Mauro warns of the “victim ideology” and “utterly exaggerated emotional excesses.” He wrote, “There appears to be a right to hate and slander justified by the morality of the victim.” Entirely in the spirit of the right, raving about a “well-meaning dictatorship of the people,” Mauro complained that on Twitter “a new seat of justice” was developing.
Initial defense of articles by the SZ editorial board, as well as articles on World, IS and NZZ, reveals that this line from leading media is no different from far-right AfD.
Levit has long been in the AfD’s crossover line as he refers to fascists by their real names and describes them as the “Nazi party” on social media. After Levit was awarded the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany for his musical activities during the coronavirus pandemic, AfD intensified agitation.
Levit was not only a musician, but “appeared in public primarily as a political activist with left-wing views,” wrote AfD parliamentary group leader Alice Weidel in an open letter to German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier.
As is often the case, right-wing extremists claim that their attacks have nothing to do with anti-Semitism or hatred of Jews. NZZ’s Anna Schneider wrote that SZ’s early articles “did not get prisoners into polemics with Jewish pianists”, and derided her political tweets as a “funny hobby”. Then he asked, “Is that anti-Semitism?” He wrote that Mauro’s articles were poorly written and “less artistic,” but concluded, “But anti-Semitic? No, this text is of course not. “
Mauro’s article is actually anti-Semitic, and that is why it is being defended by the right-wing media. Anti-Semitic references and metaphors are aimed at encouraging right-wing extremist groups in political institutions, the media and the state apparatus to intervene more strongly and confidently.
Carolin Emcke is among many who acknowledged the anti-Semitic connotations of the article. He is the holder of the Peace Prize from the German Booksellers and Publishers Association.
In guest comments for SZ, he pointed out that the headline of the article, “Igor Levit is tired,” mocks the exhaustion of a Jew who expressed exhaustion and despair on the day of the anti-Semitic offensive in Hamburg. Emcke wrote that “it is as if no party in parliament propagates revisionist, Volkish, and anti-Semitic beliefs, as if right-wing NSU (National Socialist Underground) extremist terrorism never happened, neither did the far-right terrorist attack on the synagogue. in Halle, where two people were killed, it was as if there were repeated reasons for Jews to mourn. “
He goes on to say that if one reads “violent polemic” with Levit in a “historical context,” one is “immediately struck by the formulations that are reminiscent of classical anti-Semitic associations and cliches.” The article, he explained, criticized his “halting play” and “theatrical sadness.”
Based on the praise Mauro gave another pianist, Daniil Trifonov, one can surmise that it was “to deny that Levit had real emotions and art.” Emcke continues, “The ‘non-original’ and ‘non-original’ stock characters are a well-known feature of historic anti-Semitic stereotypes (thanks especially to Richard Wagner).”
The “scintillating manner” in which Levit’s alleged friendship “with journalists and the exact multiplier” is explained also implies old motives from the very strong Jewish lobby, Emcke added.
The fact that World, IS, NZZ and initially SZ This anti-Semitic defense article can only be explained by the deepening crisis of capitalist society. The ruling elite is effectively at war with the population, its policies face strong opposition. The policy of “group immunity”, that is, the deliberate mass infection of the population, together with the mass layoffs of industry and the growth of militarism can only be implemented in an authoritarian and ultimately fascist manner.
This is why the AfD is revered and why right-wing extremist networks in the state apparatus are being built and protected. This is also why journalists declare culture wars and defend racism and anti-Semitism.
In the case of far-right extremist historian Jörg Baberowski, the major media have criticized his critics for attacking “free speech”. Baberowski belittled Nazi crimes, agitation against refugees, and calls for violent warfare were sustained, while his critics were slandered. The same newspapers are now using the same outrageous distortions to attack critics of Mauro’s articles as against “free speech.”
The attack on Igor Levit also has a broader cultural component. This 33 year old player is one of the greatest contemporary pianists. Two years ago, he recorded Beethoven’s 32 sonatas and showed in a podcast series with many interesting examples of how Beethoven, who was born 250 years ago, remains contemporary in our day. In the context of the coronavirus pandemic, he performed 52 so-called “Twitter concerts”, which were broadcast from his Berlin apartment and watched by hundreds of thousands of people.
As World Socialist Website write in a Perspective column on the attack on Levit, “Levit has been targeted by the right not only because of his political stance. His attempts to make the work of Beethoven and other composers accessible to broad sections of the population and thereby increase interest in the culture as a whole were viewed by the ruling class not only with suspicion, but as a threat. “
The public reaction to the attack on Igor Levit shows that official political movements and the correct media are widely opposed by the public.
The first anniversary of a terrorist attack on a synagogue in Halle, Germany, which nearly led to the worst massacre of Jews in Europe since World War Two, was marked last Friday. On October 9, 2019, neo-Nazi Stefan Balliet attempted to force his way into the Halle synagogue on the Yom Kippur Jewish holiday. He shot two people in the process. Only the strong wooden door, which remains tightly closed, prevents carnage.
All the expressions of sympathy and crocodile tears shed by German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the memorial in Halle on Friday cannot hide the fact that responsibility for right-wing terrorism rests on the ruling class. Over the past few years, it has systematically created an ideological and political climate in which far-right extremist action of bloody violence like the one in Halle and Hanau can flourish.
Representatives from all parliamentary parties praised the far-right Alternative to Germany (AfD) and implemented the fascist party’s anti-refugee policies. Politicians and the media dismiss xenophobic protesters as “caring citizens” and defend right-wing extremist academics, such as Humboldt University professor Jörg Baberowski (“Hitler wasn’t cruel”). Right-wing extremist networks in the intelligence services, military and police are consciously built and covered by the bourgeois state and its party and are growing.
The past few days have seen several new instances of right-wing extremists in the German state apparatus unfold. “Monitor”, a program on public broadcaster ARD, which is reported on the right-wing chat group within the Berlin state police, and the far-right extremist network that was exposed just three weeks ago in police in North-Rhine Westphalia (NRW) has also been linked to the agency. state intelligence in the country’s most populous state, according to research by Rheinische Post (RP).
In mid-September, a network of far-right extremists with extensive links to all three command structures within the state police of NRW was exposed in Müllheim. Five further cases have now been found. An officer from Bielefeld’s workplace and apartment were searched. According to reports about tagesschau.de, the commissioner distributes far-right extremist propaganda in private police chat groups with 50 members. In addition, it was revealed that three members of the monitoring team in the state intelligence service, and an administration specialist at the interior ministry, were suspected right-wing extremists.
NRW Home Minister Herbert Reul (Christian Democrat, CDU) told a press conference that members shared Islamophobic and anti-immigrant videos on chat groups and on social media. He informed RP, “In the video, all Muslims are portrayed as a threat.” Reul is still revising his coworker’s racist views, stating that while the chat is unacceptable, it is much lighter than the content found in Müllheim.
Reul’s colleagues maintain contact via Facebook in far-right extremist circles. The three members of the monitoring team are responsible, among other things, for far-right extremist surveillance. In other words, the Nazis exercised control over themselves. Reul adds remarkably that there is no evidence to suggest that operational secrets have been betrayed or that surveillance has not been carried out according to protocol.
The Minister of Home Affairs, NRW, admitted that he was aware of the cases which have now been public for almost a year. A week ago, Reul told the interior affairs committee in the NRW state parliament that 100 police officers had been suspected of committing racism or right-wing extremism since 2017. Twenty-nine cases have been closed, although there are only eight in which the results of his investigation have had consequences for the officer concerned. In the remaining 21 cases, “suspicion was not confirmed” or “it was impossible for other reasons to apply disciplinary action”, reports Glass.
“The affected team in the state intelligence service was disbanded and the leadership replaced,” explained the Ministry of Home Affairs. One of the officers was disciplined after an emergency investigation to avoid paying attention to the far-right extremist structures in the state apparatus, which have been built from above and remain under special protection. This is a clear example of the Interior Ministry trying to cover up the true reach of right-wing extremist networks in security agencies through disinformation and harassment.
Federal Interior Minister Horst Seehofer (Christian Social Union, CSU) presented a report assessing the state of right-wing extremism in security services on October 6. The report belittles right-wing networks within the state apparatus and grants free passes to racists and anti-Semites.
Following the exposure of a series of groups in the police, intelligence services and military, who have exchanged neo-Nazi and anti-Semitic chats, threatened left-wing lawyers and activists, stockpiled weapons and prepared for a violent uprising on “Day X, Seehofer was forced to admit that there was more. of the 400 suspected cases of right-wing extremism in the federal and state security services between 2017 and April 2020. However, he claims that “there is no structural right-wing extremism” in the security services. .
In reality, Seehofer’s figures are very lacking. First, the figure does not include the military, which had 1,064 official suspect cases in the same period. Second, the figures are based on reports provided by right-wing extremist security agencies themselves; no independent investigation. Third, the sharp increase in cases since March was not included. In NRW alone, suspected cases have risen from 45 to 104 since March. Lastly, the number of cases that go unreported is much higher, as the police and army are dominated by a siege mentality that views any sharing of information as “treason.”
The Interior Ministry at NRW deliberately silenced the video and chat content, and the possible link between the four most recent cases and the right-wing network within the NRW police came to light in mid-September. It is clear that the broad content of fascists and terrorist plans must be hidden.
Communications on a far-right extremist chat group within Berlin police, published by ARD magazine Monitor, exposes the growing fascism in the German police force.
Racism, hatred of left-wing individuals, and violent fantasies are shared in completely normal ways along with meeting plans for breakfast or sports. The group, which has more than 25 members, has been around for three years. Although only seven officers were allegedly responsible for right-wing extremist content, their fascist agitation had enthusiastic support from their peers.
According to two informants who gave Monitor accessing group chat content, Berlin police officers regularly use expressions while on duty such as “n — er, Moor, darky, oily-eye, fagot, trans.”
A women’s group leader ordered clear racist police control, writing, “We will stop the greasy eyes there.” The head of the Berlin service team was quoted as saying, “We also have our headscarves cleaned here.” The boss knows the contents of the chat, that is Monitor now published, but does nothing to them.
Right-wing extremist officers exchanged messages describing Muslims as “fanatical primate culture,” and refugees as “like European grasshoppers”, “rapists, murderers, organized criminals and terrorists” and “rats.” They called their exchanges the “great replacement in Europe,” according to which the white population was deliberately replaced by immigrants.
A similar nag can be found in Balliet’s manifesto, published by the Halle terrorists shortly before his deadly rampage. Police chat groups also contain explicit calls for refugees and left-wing protesters to be killed.
For example, armed officers who are members of chat groups demand fascist ideological tests before new recruits are admitted to the police. One of its practical tasks is, “Shoot six illegal immigrants”. Referring to how the police deal with immigrants, they demand that in order to create the necessary respect for the police, “every day … someone has to [sent] to the afterlife. “
Referring to the G-20 demonstrators in Hamburg, they called for “the use of firearms” and “detonations.” They also saw the neo-Nazis as “allies” with which they could form a “strong offensive force” to “organize a party for the right.”
Germany: “voluntary military service in Homeland Security” – an invitation for neo-Nazis
By Peter Schwarz
July 30, 2020
The introduction of “voluntary military service in Homeland Security” by the Bundeswehr (Armed Forces) from April next year, is an invitation for neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists to receive military training by the German government in return for payment. This is clear from its name and also from the historical, political and international context.
The term “Homeland Security” (“Heimatschutz”), which is used in an almost obsessive way – appearing eleven times in short ad text on the Ministry of Defense website – is a cry of extreme right struggle. It has current and historical resonance.
Neo-Nazi organizations involved in terrorist attacks and killings like to call themselves “homeland security.” For example, the “Thuringia Homeland Security”, which was established with state funds by the Confidential Informant (CI) secret service Tilo Brandt, recruited at least ten Mundlos, Uwe Böhnhardt and Beate Zschäpe, who later formed the neo-Nazi National Socialist Underground (NSU) which conducted at least ten racist murders and several attacks.
Demonstration of “Thuringian Homeland Security” (Photo: – / Mobit eV / dapd)]
But there is – or is – also “Fränkischer Heimatschutz,” “Märkischer Heimatschutz,” etc. A book published in 2014 by Stefan Aust and Dirk Laabs entitled: Homeland security: State and serial killings of NSU. (Homeland Security: State and series of killings committed by NSU).
Between the two world wars, many right-wing paramilitary units called themselves “Heimatschutz.” For example, in Austria, the defense association of the homeland was formed under this name, modeled after the fascists Mussolini. In 1928, they attacked the social-democrat class district Wiener Neustadt during “March on Vienna.”
Based on Nazi blood and soil ideology, Heimatschutzverband (Homeland Security Association) also mixed nature conservation and protection of historical monuments with nationalist and anti-Semitic ideas. For example, the Security of the Bavarian Homeland, whose honorary chair has been the District President Gustav von Kahr since 1927, is a key figure in right-wing extremist activities.
During the Second World War, local auxiliary units in the Waffen-SS in Slovakia called themselves “Heimatschutz Slowakei” (HS). Among other things, HS guarded concentration camps and was involved in the arrest, torture and murder of many Jews.
With an invitation to conduct “services in Homeland Security” and to be trained in the use of weapons, the Bundeswehr sends a clear signal to right-wing extremist youths that they no longer need to hide to prepare for an impending civil war.
In the period since the NSU trial in Munich, the assassination of Kassel district president Walter Lübcke, attacks on synagogues in Halle, racist massacres in Hanau and exposure to right-wing networks in and around the elite KSK Bundeswehr unit, right-wing terrorist networks have become the public spotlight, where the answer is horror, anger, and anger.
The large coalition of Christian Democrats and Social Democrats reacted to this by multiplying and forming military units under the auspices of the Bundeswehr to be used against political opponents. In its public announcement, the Bundeswehr admitted with extraordinary openness that this involved armed military operations in Germany, which were banned under the constitution.
“The biggest difference with classic voluntary military service,” the Bundeswehr website states, is “scheduling backup services that are close to home after basic and specialist training and services at Homeland Security instead of being placed abroad.”
This is not a type of uniformed civil service. Volunteers must be fully trained militarily. Part of a total of seven months of basic and special training is “also firearms training,” the Bundeswehr stressed. “Physical fitness and agility during obstacles” are also needed. Those involved in “voluntary military service to protect the homeland” will also carry out “this military challenge.”
In the last five months of their one-year service, volunteers will perform backup services. After that, they will have the opportunity to “grow into a Regional Reserve,” which has been systematically built over the past eight years.
The pilot project for this is the “Bavarian Landesregiment” (“Bavarian State Regiment”), which is supported by the Bundeswehr and reserve associations. According to the Bundeswehr, the first regiment of its kind in Germany served national defense and homeland security. Among other things, supporting the police “in an emergency.” This contributes to the fast and easy integration of “modern and efficient reserves” into “active” [military] structure. “
In other words, this is intended to ensure the smooth cooperation between reserve forces directed at domestic operations and combat forces. It is clear that this is not, as the government has described, about providing assistance in the event of a natural disaster, combating bark beetles, conducting coronavirus tests, etc.
Instead, the model is the Department of Homeland Security in the US. This agency, which was founded after the September 11, 2001 attacks, has grown into a giant tool with 240,000 employees and an annual budget of $ 62 billion. It monitors, spies and terrorizes the entire population of the United States.
In recent days, President Trump has sent Homeland Security’s highly trained combat units to American cities to fight against demonstrations. In a scene reminiscent of South American military dictatorships, unidentified soldiers captured peaceful demonstrators and transported them to unknown locations in vehicles without license plates. In this way, Trump prepares to build a dictatorship in the face of escalating social and political crises.
Something similar happened in Germany. The ruling class is preparing for a fierce class struggle. The corona virus pandemic has massively intensified the global crisis of the capitalist system. Millions of people are threatened with losing their jobs and income, while others are forced to return to work at the risk of their lives.
Ninety years ago, the ruling class in Germany reacted to a crisis similar to the Nazi dictatorship and the war of annihilation. Today, they move in the same direction. They systematically rearm and prepare new war missions and the suppression of violence against social and political opposition. But unlike the 1930s, they did not have a fascist mass movement. The mood in the population tends to the left. The development of right-wing and fascist forces was mainly driven by the state.
The Office for the Protection of the Constitution, as it is called the secret service, functions as a control center for right-wing terrorism. In Bundeswehr and the police, there is a network of right-wing extremists who are covered up and underestimated from above. Even the far right alternative for Germany (AfD), whose ranks include many police representatives, the Bundeswehr and secret services, is systematically mobilized and promoted by the state and founding parties.
The large coalition parties – CDU, CSU, and SPD – assume primary responsibility for this policy. But opposition parties – the Left Party, the Green Party, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) and of course the AfD – support it. The struggle against fascism and militarism requires the construction of an independent working class movement that is struggling to overthrow capitalism and international socialist programs.
Germany stopped the initial process of the 1980 Oktoberfest attack
By Dietmar Gaisenkersting
July 15, 2020
Nearly 40 years after the Oktoberfest bombing, the Federal Prosecutors’ Office in Karlsruhe officially stopped the investigation process, which continued in 2014. He admitted for the first time that the hit man, Gundolf Köhler, was a right-wing radical who was killed for political reasons. But it’s hard to deny after all that is known.
The aim is to keep the public in the dark forever in the background of the killings and the people behind him, especially the role of the security service, above all the federal office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz), as the secret service is known.
The Oktoberfest bombing was the most serious right-wing terrorist attack in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. The bomb was placed in a wastebasket by Köhler on the night of September 26, 1980. It killed 12 Oktoberfest visitors in Munich and also the perpetrators. Two hundred and eleven people were injured, some of them serious.
Victims of the attack at the crime scene in front of the main entrance to Oktoberfest (Photo AP / Dieter Endlicher, FILE)
At that time, the investigative authority covered the background of neo-Nazi terrorists and the murderer’s right wing. Witness statements, according to which Köhler was not alone on the night of the attack, were ignored. A single actor’s thesis quickly becomes an established narrative.
Köhler, who is a member of the right-wing extremist Wehrsportgruppe (military sports group) Hoffmann, and who has a photo of Hitler hanging on his bed, is said to have built and detonated the bomb because of the hardship and frustration of a failed test. . The terror attack was labeled an uneven and suffering student’s suicide. About two years after the bombing, in November 1982, the federal public prosecutor ended the investigation.
Journalist Ulrich Chaussy and victim lawyer Werner Dietrich never received official narration and spent decades doing their own research. Thanks to their work, the Federal Prosecutors’ Office was forced to reopen the case in late 2014. But last year, the special commission “26 September” of the Bavarian State Criminal Investigation Office was dissolved.
“Actors acted on the grounds of right-wing extremist motivation,” said a senior investigator S.üGerman newspaper. “Gundolf Koehler wants to influence the 1980 federal elections,” the investigator continued. “He wants a ‘Führer state’ based on the Nazi model.” The right-wing chancellor candidate for the Christian Social Union (CSU), Franz-Josef Strauss, would benefit from this in the Bundestag (federal parliament) elections which were followed shortly after in the fall of 1980. “It was not a tantrum without reason or reason,” an investigator telling you S.üGerman newspaper.
In an initial statement, Dietrich’s lawyer and journalist Chaussy expressed relief that the public prosecutor’s office now considers the move a right-wing terrorist attack, because they believe it will allow compensation for the victims. Around 100 victims are still alive.
For decades, they were rejected by the authorities and ridiculed as people pretending to be sick, despite having suffered a lifetime, in several cases of very serious damage from shrapnel. In 1980 alone, 58 people registered to have their legs amputated or suffer severe organ injuries. To this day, the Federal Office of Justice continues to refuse victim compensation from funds for victims of terrorism and extremism.
It is now generally expected that victims will be compensated, even though federal government funds are obliged to provide compensation only to victims of attacks carried out after 1990. For previous attacks, it was determined that money would be paid only for “serious serious incidents. “Even though the Oktoberfest attack met these criteria, the victims still had to fight for their compensation.
Apart from the course of further victim compensation claims, the cessation of the investigation has broad political implications. This has an effect above all: the people behind the attacks and the respective roles of politicians and state authorities will remain in the dark.
Investigators once again interviewed more than 1,000 witnesses, chasing nearly 800 new leads and filtering out more than 420,000 pages of new files from West and East Germany secret service officers. “But that doesn’t help,” he wrote Glass. “Open questions about the most devastating extreme right-wing terrorist attacks in Germany to date will probably remain unanswered.” That S.üGerman newspaper forward the same line, writes: “That effort cannot cure past mistakes.”
Investigations that have followed attacks and responses from the secret service and the federal government over the past four decades have not been “a mistake.” The first investigation from 1980 to 1982 aimed at removing all references to the background of Köhler’s right-wing extremists, as well as the Hoffmann military sports group, which was under the supervision of the secret service. The thesis of a depressed individual actor makes no more sense 40 years ago than it does now.
Furthermore, all traces and evidence that in retrospect could be dangerous for right-wing extremists and secret services were eliminated. For example, 48 cigarette butts were found in the Köhler car ashtray parked near the scene. They were destroyed in February 1981, half a year after the attack.
Investigators have found traces of three different blood types on the butts of six different types of cigarettes, with and without filters. DNA cannot be evaluated at that time.
Stubs are a clear indication that Köhler – as many witnesses have confirmed – did not travel alone to Munich to attend Oktoberfest. In the following years, DNA on cigarette butts could be used to identify Köhler passengers.
A torn hand, which cannot be attributed to one of the known victims, was destroyed along with all other evidence that remained in 1997.
In 2014-2015, the federal coalition government, which consisted of Christian Democrats (Christian Democratic Union – CDU and Christian Social Unity – CSU) and Social Democrats (Social Democratic Party – SPD), refused to answer questions from parliamentary opposition, which had demanded information about the findings of the Office of the Protection of the Constitution regarding the Oktoberfest bombing and the background of Köhler’s right-wing extremists given by the informant. In 2017, in response to an official complaint filed by the Greens and Left, the Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the government must answer only a few individual questions. The court allows other important questions not to be answered.
In 2015, Chaussy reported in an interview with World Socialist Website that investigators in the reopened process were not willing “to enter into the critical review needed for the investigation of their former colleagues.” According to the reporter, the September 26 Special Commission did not want to clarify past investigative errors.
Instead of revealing anything about Köhler’s supporters and accomplices, investigators ignored all relevant clues. Witnesses whose testimony played an important role in forcing the reopening of the case in 2014 were said to only make mistakes in his memory of the time of the incident.
Two of Köhler’s close friends were also interrogated by investigators, because they contradicted each other in 1980. The Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office came to the conclusion that, by all indications, they knew more than they had revealed, but not more than that. can be proved. “The involvement of others as accomplices, instigators or assistants in crime,” said the investigators, cannot be ruled out, but also cannot be proven.
Investigators also found accomplices from right-wing extremist forester Heinz Lembke, who was suspected of supplying explosives, but allegedly had no connection with Köhler. It is still unclear whether Lembke works for secret services or other state institutions.
Dietrich’s attorney found in a note file, “The findings about Lembke can only be used partially in court” – a formulation that usually only occurs in connection with Secret Informants or secret service employees. Lembke was found hanged in his cell in 1981 after he announced he would testify and provide detailed information.
The hiding of the Oktoberfest bombing must be opposed. It is unacceptable that the secret service (Verfassungsschutz) escapes any control, which functions as a state within the state with the power to determine which files are submitted to the investigator and which are not.
This writer read Lembke’s secret service file at the Federal Archives in Koblenz in 1998, at least the pages were available. The most important page in the file is clearly gone. The secret service has not yet submitted the pages to the archive which are relatively freely accessible.
Verfassungsschutz and all these agents must be abolished and dissolved. Their archives must be opened so that credible people – such as investigative journalists and serious scientists – can fully investigate the role and activities of the clandestine secret service and make them known to the general public.
Italy today gave up the former Slovenian cultural center – one hundred years on that day it was burned down by fascists.
The movement, carried out in Trieste, is aimed at healing wounds with ethnic Slovenes in the northeastern city.
Italy annexed Trieste from the Austro-Hungarian empire at the end of World War I, when Slovenian speakers made up about 25% of the city’s population.
Then, on July 13, 1920, Italian fascists set fire to the city’s cultural center, known as Narodni Dom in Slovenian, in retaliation for the killing of two Italian soldiers in Split, now part of Croatia, by Yugoslav nationalists.
A century later, Italian President Sergio Mattarella signed the building to the Slovenian community on Monday (July 13).
He said the handover marked “the beginning of a new chapter in the future with Italy and Slovenia, in the European spirit of mutual respect, cooperation and coexistence”.
“I know that feelings of division and pain are still strong,” he added. “Nevertheless, I am convinced that the desire for harmony and friendship is even stronger.”
His colleague, Slovenian President Borut Pahor, described it as “a dream come true as if all the stars had come together after one hundred years”.
“But they are [the stars] don’t do it ourselves – we do it, “he added.
The arson was a huge loss for the Slovenian community in Trieste.
It was one of the most modern buildings in Europe at the time, with a 400-seat theater and a glass roof that could be opened in the summer. It also has a fitness center, bank, music school, as well as restaurants and cafes, hotels and private apartments.
The building was restored and later became a hotel.
In the years after World War II and the fall of the Fascist regime, the Slovenian community asked the Italian authorities several times to hold host activities for them again.
“At the beginning of the 20th century, the Italian liberal party, which had a majority in Trieste, did not want to open Slovenian schools in the city center and limit the cultural, political and demographic presence of the Slovenians, who were more than a year old. the Trieste population, “said Marta Verginella, a historian at Ljubljana University
This attitude, he told Euronews, remained throughout the Fascist regime and also throughout the history of the Italian republic.
In January 2020, president Mattarella and president Pahor finally announced the surrender would take place in July, exactly 100 years after the burning.
Narodni Dom currently hosts a branch of the University of Trieste and a library with more than 43,000 books.