Cricket Australia launched an investigation after visiting players said they had been subjected to racial abuse by fans.
Cricket Australia apologized to the Indian team on Sunday and launched an investigation into allegations that visiting players were subjected to racial abuse by several fans in the crowd during the third Test at the Sydney Cricket Ground.
The Indian team filed a formal complaint after playing on Saturday after bowlers Jasprit Bumrah and Mohammed Siraj complained of hearing racist taunts while throwing near the boundary line.
On Sunday, Siraj approached the referee pointing at the stands and the action was stopped while police pulled a small group of fans off the ground.
Cricket Australia launched a parallel investigation with the New South Wales Police, vowing to take the “strongest action” against anyone found guilty.
“It is regrettable that an excellent trial match contested in so much passion by two friendly rivals has been tarnished by the actions of a small crowd over the past two days,” said Head of Integrity and Security Sean Carroll in a statement.
As hosts, we apologize once again to the Indian team.
Venues New South Wales, which operates the stadium, said security camera footage was being reviewed to aid the investigation and any fans identified as involved in racial abuse would be banned from the Sydney Cricket Ground and other major Sydney stadiums.
Indian regular captain Virat Kohli was fined half of his match fee in 2012 for responding to abuse from the Sydney Cricket Ground crowd by pointing at them with his middle finger.
Kohli, who returned home after playing the first test to attend the birth of his first child, said racial abuse was completely unacceptable.
“After going through a lot of incidents of really sad things being said at the line, this is the absolute culmination of rowdy behavior,” Kohli said on Twitter.
“It’s sad to see this happening on the pitch. Such incidents need to be viewed with utmost urgency and seriousness and firm action against violators must regulate everything absolutely right. “
Australian coach Justin Langer joined in the criticism.
“This is disappointing and disappointing,” he said. “It’s one of my biggest pet hates in life that people think they can come to sporting events and harass or say whatever they like. I hate it as a player and I hate it as a coach. It’s sad to see that happening in Australia. “
Indian Ravichandran Ashwin said the team had been insulted by Sydney fans in the past but that racial abuse had crossed the line during the ongoing matches, which were played in front of an audience of less than 10,000.
“That is definitely unacceptable in this day and age. “It definitely has to be handled with an iron fist and we have to make sure it doesn’t happen again,” said the bowling player.
Under the International Cricket Council’s anti-discrimination policy, Cricket Australia is responsible for investigating the incident and submitting a report to the global regulatory body within two weeks.
A man has been banned from attending cricket matches in New Zealand for two years after being found guilty of abusing British fast bowler Jofra Archer during his 2019 tour.
Josef Kaiser was 16 years old in 1937 when two Gestapo secret police picked him up and took him to the Ludwigshafen city hospital on the River Rhine. There he was sterilized against his will. His younger sister and hundreds of other young people suffer the same fate. Their only “drawback”? Born from Afro-German offspring. New DW documentary, Children of Shame, tell their story.
French colonial army in the Rhineland
This heinous targeting of children dates back 17 years when Allied forces occupied the Rhineland as part of war reparations imposed on Germany under Versailles Treaty. Of the 100,000 soldiers sent by France in January 1920, about a fifth were from French colonies including Senegal and Madagascar – where Josef’s father was born.
After losing colonial Germany, the presence of black soldiers in the Rhineland was seen as an insult. With the active participation of the state and civilian organizations, a racist propaganda campaign was launched under the title “Die Schwarze Schmach” (the Black Shame). Through leaflets, pamphlets and articles, these colonial soldiers were described as “wild beasts” who raped and killed civilians.
French soldiers withdrawn from the colony marched in 1923 during the occupation of the Rhineland
Deep rooted racism
Campaign supporters were not only nationalists or conservatives. Racism and eugenics first took firm root throughout German society. Social-Democratic party politicians such as President Friedrich Ebert or Minister of Foreign Affairs Adolf Köster denounced some of the French troops from “the lowest cultural level” and described the deployment as a “spiritual crime” against the German people.
A German magazine promotes propaganda about ‘black savage’ French soldiers taking off with local white women
It was a politically calculated move to use racism to discredit the Treaty of Versailles which blamed Germany for World War I and demanded massive damages. The hope is that international solidarity with Germany will be rebuilt based on the same prejudices.
Slanderous articles about colonial soldiers appeared worldwide, supported by propaganda material from the British Foreign Office. For example, British Labor MP Edmund Dene Morel falsely accused the French of releasing “black savages” and “primitive barbarians” to the German population, troops whose “uncontrolled sexual relations with animals” resulted in numerous rapes.
Although this propaganda was slow to wane, the foreign policy benefits expected for Germany failed to materialize.
Despite racist propaganda, many love relationships developed between colonial soldiers and German women. It is an affront to the nationalists who made “desecration of German women” one of their fundamental themes. In the smear campaign, the female body represents the German national body and both must be kept “pure”.
After the First World War, relations between black French soldiers and German women were considered taboo
The German propaganda machine reacted accordingly: Women with ties to soldiers of African descent were denounced as dishonorable, “white disgrace.” And the children of this union were derisively called “Rhineland bastards.”
These descendants grew up isolated. Their existence and their darker skin color were constant reminders to nationalists and revanchivists of their bitter defeat in war, and their helplessness in the face of the demands of the Treaty of Versailles.
Forced sterilization under the Nazis
Since 1923, the Weimar Republic authorities began to systematically register these children. In 1927, a government official urged his superiors at the Ministry of Health to consider the possibility of sterilizing these children using a “completely painless procedure”.
The head of government refused because the legal framework made this coercive action impossible. In addition, children with German mothers are still citizens of the German Republic.
However, when the National Socialists came to power in 1933, enrollment of children was extended. Some were measured and photographed as part of the Nazi racist eugenics program.
Following Hitler’s orders in 1937, the Gestapo secret police formed the “Sonderkommision 3” (Special Committee 3) which was ultimately tasked with illegally sterilizing children. There were 436 documented cases, while the number of unreported cases was much higher.
Doctors show no remorse
The trial was held two years after the end of Nazi rule. Three doctors, all members of the National Socialist German Medical Association (NSDÄB), are accused of carrying out sterilization. The accusation is an intentional bodily loss resulting in a loss of procreative capacity. Neither of the defendants expressed remorse during the trial. In their defense they only said that they had acted “on the orders of the Führer”.
The Nazi doctors who sterilized children seamlessly re-entered post-war German society
Unsurprisingly, prosecutions were first suspended and then dropped altogether. The three defendants smoothly re-entered post-war German society; one of them was even elected chairman of the Saar Medical Association a few years later.
Their victims, however, will never endure the abuse they suffered as children. “I have no youth and, because of this operation, there is no future,” said Josef Kaiser.
Children of Shame airs on DW starting January 11, 2020
BAURU, Brazil – In its 124-year history, this mid-sized, largely white city in Brazil’s affluent agricultural belt has never had an Afro-Brazilian as mayor. Until now.
The inauguration on Friday of Suéllen Rosim, 32, came as thousands of black and mixed-race politicians from across the political spectrum took office in municipalities across Brazil in what was hailed as a victory for people of color and a major step against racism in the largest country in Latin America.
Increasing appreciation of Brazil’s African heritage and the rising profile of influential black politicians have fueled change. Brazil has the largest black or mixed-race population of any country outside Africa, nearly 120 million – more than half of the population – but only 4% of politicians in Congress are black.
A Supreme Court decision in October that forced parties to allocate a percentage of their state-provided campaign funds to black and mixed-race candidates also lifted politicians of color and prompted more to identify as such.
“We showed that it was possible – to be a woman, to be black, and to become a mayor, state governor or even president,” said Miss Rosim, the gospel singer and former television anchor in the city. of 380,000 people.
In November municipal elections, for the first time, black and mixed-race politicians made up the majority of all candidates running for mayor and council seats across the nation of 210 million people. That’s up from 48% in the 2016 municipal elections. In the first round of voting, more than 40% of black or mixed-race candidates were elected, about 1,700 of them as mayors and nearly 26,000 as councilors, according to Brazil’s electoral court. The most common racial mix in Brazil is black and white; political candidates with black ancestry can identify themselves as black or mixed race.
Results in several corners of Brazil show a newfound strength: More than 50 people from quilombosremote communities of descendants of runaway slaves who had little political representation, would remain to work as councilors in cities outside of these settlements. Big cities like Rio de Janeiro and Curitiba, usually represented by white people, saw inroads by black politicians into city councils.
There are few black and mixed-race people in politics in Brazil’s top cities, and some Afro-Brazilian leaders say racial equality is coming too late. But change is happening. The share of Brazilians who embrace their African heritage and identify as black or mixed race has increased to 56% of the population in 2019 compared to 51% a decade earlier, according to the government’s statistics agency.
While leftist parties have traditionally been the first to fight for racial equality in the country, a rising generation of black Brazilian politicians includes some who are left-leaning and many others who are religiously conservative.
Ms Rosim, the daughter of an evangelical Christian pastor, is running for the far-right Patriota Brasil party, which is allied with President Jair Bolsonaro, which opponents have accused of racist rhetoric. In 2017, Bolsonaro sowed anger when he said the people of the quilombo were “not even fit for procreation.”
Ms Rosim said Patriota party officials had proposed that she run, hoping to take advantage of the familiar face she had in Bauru.
Although he says he doesn’t always agree with the way the fiery Brazilian leader expresses himself, he shares his socially conservative agenda.
A third of Brazilians define themselves as evangelicals, according to a Datafolha poll, who espouse values such as sexual abstinence to marriage, with Pentecostalism hugely popular in poorer black communities. But black conservatives are politically underrepresented.
“Being conservative, people wanted to put me in a box, they said I was acting against my own race,” said Mrs. Rosim.
Like many black Brazilian leaders, Ms. Rosim said he found inspiration in African-Americans, citing Michelle Obama as a role model despite their ideological differences. He said he hoped the election of black politicians in the local government could someday produce more representation at the federal level.
Brazil received far more African slaves than any other country in America and was the last to abolish the practice, in 1888. Unlike the US, there is no civil war, no large-scale civil rights movement, and no countrywide debate. about a national. racial calculations.
Instead, Brazilian leaders promote the idea of ”racial democracy”, presenting their society as one in which people of all skin colors mix harmoniously. Human rights activists say it is a myth that allows racism to persist in the shadows.
“I believe that racism is worse here than in the US,” said Paulo Paim, one of Brazil’s few black senators. “In the US there are problems and society is, one way or another, dealing with them…. But here people refuse to see it. “
White Brazilians not only dominate politics but are more likely to get richer, have college degrees, hold managerial positions, and live longer and healthier lives. Of the poorest 10% of Brazilians, three-quarters are black or mixed race.
Black Brazilians also account for three-quarters of homicide victims and nearly 80% of the 6,375 people killed by police in 2019.
Outrage over violence against black Brazilians escalated here and abroad in November when security guards were filmed beating a black customer to death outside a grocery store in Porto Alegre, a city in the south, a region mostly composed of immigrant descent. Europe.
For Miss Rosim, racism always presents itself in subtle ways, he said.
She remembers a university professor telling her to straighten her tight curls to get a job. She says she gets dirty looks from store employees, which she notes to them with the conclusion she lacks the money to make a purchase.
In politics, he said, prejudice is increasingly open and extreme. The death threat came via anonymous email at the weekend of the second round of elections in late November, calling him a “monkey”.
“It says, ‘I’m going to kill you, that awful hair, how can a city have a mayor like you, I know where you live,'” said Miss Rosim. Another anonymous message via WhatsApp called him a “seedy face”, saying that no people of color were competent enough to run the city.
Despite the threat, social media has become a factor helping more black politicians get into politics, some of those politicians said. The murder of Marielle Franco, a black councilor in Rio de Janeiro who died in an unsolved 2018 murder, also raised Black political hopes.
“We are seeing new leadership figures emerge … I believe we are heading for a path of no hope,” said Bia Caminha, a 21-year-old, mixed-race student elected as the youngest city councilor ever. members in the city of Belem on the Amazon.
Recent affirmative action policies, including scholarship programs and racial quotas at universities, are also helping, rights activists and politicians of color say. However, there is also a growing appreciation of Black culture, with more Afro-Brazilians appearing on the covers of fashion magazines or starring in soap operas that the nation is so fond of.
For Mrs. Rosim, the most important thing, he said, was to be seen, both on television screens and in government. “I want people to see myself,” he said.
On May 25, George Floyd’s death in the United States sent shock waves internationally. That same week, in Rio de Janeiro, 14-year-old João Pedro was shot dead by police – with little impact. In Brazil, where 56 percent of the population is black, compared with 13 percent in the US, racism is deeply entrenched in society. Brazilian police, considered to be the most violent in the world, kill 17 times more blacks than American officers. Miles from Minneapolis, the Brazilian Black Lives Matter movement is gaining momentum. Our correspondent reports.
Although race issues helped successive Brazilian governments win votes at the turn of the 21st century, the black population entered Brazil now witnessing setbacks. The country, which has the second largest black community in the world, is now run by an openly racist president. During the 2018 presidential campaign, Jair Bolsonaro slave descendants declared “pointless, not even reproductive”, while using the slogan “my color is Brazilian”.
The Black Struggle made inroads in education, politics and the press. For the first time in the country’s history, this November, there were more black than white candidates in municipal elections. Yet progress collides with entrenched white superiority and relentless acts of racism: the end of 2020 is marked by a black man was beaten to death by security guards at the Carrefour supermarket in the southern city of Porto Alegre, sparking a series of protests across the country.
Will 2020 be remembered as a year synonymous with advances in the fight against racism? From Rio de Janeiro, where millions of slaves first arrived from Africa, to São Paulo, the country’s economic capital, we plunge into Brazil’s racial struggle. “Vidas Negras Importam” means Black Lives Matter in Portuguese. Shouts of people with a deep colonial past.
In line, a man offers to buy Miss Javed coffee and apologizes for what happened in New Zealand.
One woman who was waiting in line said in response: “I think they are [Muslims] did it come. “
Despite being disgusted by the comments, Javed tried to have a discussion with the woman and stand up for Muslims – something he said he should do regularly.
The woman said all Muslims are responsible for terrorism.
When Javed asked if the woman believed every Muslim woman, including herself, was “responsible for ISIS”, she had no answer.
“I’m very vigilant now. For me, I’ve always been afraid of ‘going back to your own country’ [comments], because I feel like I always represent my faith. “
Ms Javed’s experience is not unique. Many Muslim women who spoke to the ABC said they felt they were flag bearers for their religion and therefore had to refrain from questioning interrogations whenever Islam was mentioned in the media.
Monique Toohey, a psychologist who specializes in Muslim mental health, said Muslims sometimes feel like “they are walking on eggshells” when they experience microaggression against them.
Ms Toohey said a third of people who have suffered trauma will be severely affected by it, causing them to have flashbacks and relive the experience.
“[Trauma] can exacerbate the focus on what we call threat-focused information, where people may get headlines or comments from certain commenters or politicians that could fit into the narrative, ‘I might be the next victim, or will this happen to me again, ‘”said Ms Toohey.
Shaping identity in a multicultural society
One of Aisha Elmir’s earliest encounters with racism took place when she was only four years old.
As a religious studies educator in Sydney, he often received questions about beheading in Islam, but afterwards he felt anxious and anticipated interrogation.
He said Muslims had become “immune” to accepting hatred and “acting as such [receiving hate] is normal “and put up with it.
After Sydney Lindt Cafe won in 2014Ms. Elmir was so afraid of being blamed for the attack she emailed her university professor saying she would not come to class that day for fear of being attacked on the train.
While the Muslim Advocacy Network (AMAN) has welcomed the investigation, they are calling for social media platforms to tackle dehumanization and misinformation online through policy changes.
AMAN spokeswoman Rita Jabri-Markwell said social media platforms should have a “very explicit scoring framework” for the hate organizations and the posts they make.
He said passive misinformation posted by attackers with extremist views could be missed by social media platform moderators.
“We argue that even where people do not use explicitly inhuman slurs against Muslims, they are making demographic invasion arguments that still humiliate us, and that needs to be treated that way by the platform,” Jabri-Markwell said.
“That [hate] actors, especially rely on anti-Muslim reporting and they produce disinformation in stories that falsely contextualize any contemporary events as Muslims seek to take over the West. “
Hate rhetoric ‘erodes belonging’
Sabreen Hussain, 21, grew up on Sydney’s North Shore and faced racism during her teenage years.
Ms Hussain said she initially thought it better to hide her Muslim identity at school, but then decided to “go out” and tell her classmates that she was Muslim.
“I became a token Muslim girl and had to answer questions in the name of Islam. I was trying to make Islam more palatable and easier to digest,” she said.
Some were told to “return to where you came from,” while others had coughs and were called “coronavirus.”
Natalie Fong, a historian of Chinese-Australian migration, explains that hate attackers had united “all Asians” into one group.
“When COVID-19 started, there were a lot of mistakes aimed at Chinese and Australian Chinese,” he said, adding that people experience racism only “based on China’s appearance”.
Ms Toohey, a psychologist, says one of the most devastating ways that it can influence racist oppression and rhetoric against minorities is through identity denial – comments that imply one is not a true Australian.
“What is that [identity denial] basically eroding is a sense of belonging, “he said.